Volentary Sector Managment PA 281

SONA Occasion 2010

The State of the Nation Address (SONA) in the Philippines is an occasion that creates a whirlwind of activity. The 2010 SONA was the first of President Aquino after three weeks of serving as president. To understand and draw analysis of the whirlwind of activity sparked by the SONA the following article looks at seven different angles, summarizing their positions before drawing analysis’s and conclusions. The first half of the article is divided by activity and the second by analytical typology in an effort to make it easy to navigate. 

SONA 2010

President Aquino delivered his Sate of the Nation Address this week.  The first half of the speech was an examination of poor fiscal practices occurring in the Philippines, particularly those undertaken by the previous administration.  The examination had a shocking effect with a twist of irony when the president posed the question of “(H)ow do we move forward if we keep putting others down?[1]”

The picture President Aquino presented is a Philippines burdened, as well as a Philippines with potential.

President Aquino called on media to help act as a watch dog for the government, a strong move in partnership between business, government and the third sector. Some question this call made on ABS/CBN a network known for its biases, that has been accused of conditioning the public in a pro Aquino manner by providing prior programming intended to put the president in a positive light[2]. Another side of this is that outside of the capitol region close to half of the people use personal networks as their primary source of information on local politics, resulting in the media playing a much weaker role in monitoring local officials[3].

The solution for many of the burdens in his SONA is the potential role of private business.

Middle Class People

In the week following the SONA I asked around 10 middle class Philippines what they thought about the SONA. Based on these informal interviews I have come to the conclusion that everyday middle class citizens appear to maintain their hope in President Aquino and his commitment to improving the nation. Everyone was open to talking about their feelings on the SONA.  Overall they found President Aquino’s SONA less than perfect however it met their expectations. They are glad to hear that after three weeks in office he is continuing to focus on corruption and believe that he is only just beginning to understand the scope of the problems that he has inherited.

Social watch press release 2010

On Tuesday at Max’s restaurant in Quezon memorial circle a press conference was held by those working to give voice to the unheard. Social Watch raised serious concerns about the Millennium development goals (MDG). The goals are set to be completed during President Aquino’s term in office and hold significant value both for the Philippines as part of the global south as well as for those who continue to sustain below the poverty line. President Aquino made no mention of these important measurements during his SONA. Professor L. Briones asked the question “will he be the president to fulfill the MDGs and go beyond so that no one is left behind, or will it be business as usual?”

Marivic Raquiza, an assistant professor at the University of the Philippines National College of Public Administration and Governance called attention to the programming or lack thereof addressing poverty. Poverty is a key element in the MDG’s and up till now the Philippine governments system of addressing poverty has been described as patchwork. Raquiza expressed her impression that it will continue as erstwhile based on the lack of attention given in the SONA.

Calls from across sectors were presented; women’s reproductive health, rice planning for food security, educating the millions of children not in school, equality in the work place, the environment, creating a low carbon nation, and, equal access to pharmaceuticals by ending the monopolies and oligopolies. All gave voice to their needs and requested the President Aquino open his ears to hear them.

Philippines Rural Reconstruction Movement (PRRM)

The president of PRRM addressed the press. He started with the MDG that remain incomplete.     

            “The goals are low but 30 million people are mad that no difference has occurred”

“There is no reason a middle income country such as the Philippines would not be able to meet the MDG’s”

He asked for people to ask the question “why is poverty regenerating?” Moving away from the MDG He spoke about the problems facing the nations. The president got 1/3 of the problem covered in his SONA discussing corruption and its negative impact on society however he neglected the other 2/3 of the problems. That 2/3 can be seen as poverty in all its faucets. He was looking for a SONA that left no Pinoy behind, and did not get it.

University of the Philippines (UP) Students

As the SONA approached three voices from the UP community wrote opinion essays to the campus newspaper. 

One expressed the belief that President Aquino has not had nearly enough time to solve “our monumental problems”[4], at the heels of this belief they asked for a demonstration of President Aquino’s sincerity in fighting poverty. They believe this demonstration will come in the form of an immediate stop of “environmental policies that corrupt our environment[5].”

The second was critical of President Aquino’s actions thus far. Stating that “Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III’s regime has proved itself no different from the previous regime – not only in terms of political and economic policies but, most glaringly, with the impunity with which they have committed heinous crimes against the people in the form of extrajudicial killings.”[6]  They questioned his selection for the Commission of Human Rights chair and his increase of VAT.

The third saw the SONA as President Aquino’s first opportunity to truly distinguish himself from his predecessor. The Aquino Administration questioned the need for demonstration outside the SONA and expressed a preference for any rallies to be held at the Quezon City memorial circle, a location significantly far from where the SONA was to be held. The author saw this as the first sign of non -performance in moving towards a genuine democracy. The second sign they saw was President Aquino’s continued focus on corruption, as a way to bypass the real causes and solutions to poverty in the Philippines; “inequities in wealth distribution, landlessness, inadequacy of budget for social services and lopsided trade policies.”[7] They concluded by asking President Aquino to listen to the people and to stop hiding behind exposing corruption.

Professor Briones

            A witty and straight forward opinion column was written and released by Professor Briones as part of the press releases surrounding the SONA. She titled it “The State of Fashion as the State of the Nation”.  Saying what many have thought but been unable to verbalize, how is it that the SONA is a red carpet event fashion extravaganza when just outside the venue is a large gathering of those that are hungry, homeless and unemployed demanding that they are recognized by their government?

12 Memorandum from the Urban Poor.

            This memorandum issued with utmost respect started by thanking President Aquino for his continuation of addressing the fallacies of the past administration. They reminded the President of how many of his people are poor (1 in 3).  They requested that the president address an array of issues;

·         Creation of a ten year development plan including food security and cheaper medicine

·         Protection of the environment

·         Foster women’s and children’s health while working towards HIV/AIDS reduction

·         Continue to fight for equality among women and men in all areas

·         Achieve the goal of general education for all Filipinos’

·         Address hunger that effects millions every day here in the Philippines

The Urban Poor concluded their memorandum reminding the president that the people are his boss and the people are them.

Analysis

The summaries above and be divided into three categories, Politicians(President Aquino), Middle class, and the voices from the extremities of society(Social Watch, PRRM, UP, Briones, Urban Poor).

 Those representing the extremities of society presented in this analysis demonstrated a high degree of solidarity and similarity in terms of perception and focus. All five of them drew attention to poverty here in the Philippines. The key issues of the Urban Poor were virtually the same as the ones raised by Social Watch showing solidarity among those on the extremities of society.  PRRM and Social Watch both devoted a substantial part of their conversation to the MDG’s progress here in the Philippines. It must be acknowledged that the president of the PRRM is a board member of Social Watch; however this does not discount the similar objectives of these two groups. Those present at the press conference at Max’s had expressed an overall interest in learning sharing discussion and search for common ground, furthering the solidarity of those working on the extremities of society. The Urban poor and UP students used identical language asking President Aquino to open his ears and hear the people.

Ledivina Carino, a lead scholar on civil society’s impact in the Philippines has written about three concepts that can be seen in the above summaries. First she found that there is Filipino notion of “Kapwa” that involves the binding of an individual to the collective. In this situation the relevance of “Kapwa” it can be easily identified. One needs only to define the collective in the broad sense, that of the nation. The nation (collective) is whom the SONA is about and addressing.  All of the categories demonstrate a degree of “Kapwa”, with the middle class at one extreme and the established organizations at the other.

The second is that all seven angles demonstrated the Filipino notion of “pagtutulungan”. “Pagtutulungan” was identified by Ledivina Carino as a relationship among equals and helping each other as such. Every group shared their view as if it was equal to the view of the others. This perhaps could be seen as one of the more distinct conclusions of the Philippine SONA. It is rare to find another group of people who view equality in such a way.

Finally Ledivina Carino in her examination of the pre colonial period found that the “state, market and civil society were not distinguishable from each other and the rest of society during this period”. This pre colonial connection continues to have an underlying impact on the relationship between the three sectors. The activity around the 2010 SONA can be seen as a demonstration of this. Starting with the president’s announcement of his intention to use the market to move the Philippines forward and coming full circle with civil society response, voicing their role in the choices of President Aquino.

Comparisons between

Despite the differences, there are several areas for comparison. The primary comparison would be one of a feeling of past wrongs. President Aquino’s focus on corruption is a clear expression that things were done wrongly in the past.  Social Watch is a group who formed because of wrongs by those holding political power. PRRM raised the question of why poverty continues and continues. UP students addressed badly designed environmental policies that were enacted previously.  Professor Brionnes wrote about those that are hungry and homeless a situation created in the past. The Urban Poor voiced concern over inadequacies in the education system that has been largely ignored in the past. The areas that each group feels wronged in are different however they all trace their feelings to the actions of previous government actions.

The second area of similarity is one of solution development.  President Aquino proposed actively working to end corruption and develop business as a solution to the problems that face the Philippines. Social watch emphasized working on the MDG’s as the first step in problem solving. UP student proposed that the president spend more time listening to those who are demonstrating outside. The urban poor proposed the creation of a ten year development plan including food security and cheaper medicine as a solution.

Each sector has a different solution; however they are not necessarily contradictory. It is easily imaginable to have an administration that develops anti corruption practices while working on MDG’s with specialized focus on the goals of: Maternal Health, Child Health, Combat HIV/AIDS, Environmental Sustainability, Universal Education and End Poverty and Hunger. This could be done simultaneously with the administration providing Preside Aquino with continuous opportunities to listen to the concerns raised by those protesting in the streets. With focused policy development this administration has an opportunity to truly respond and create real change in the Philippines, an idea that won the election for President Aquino now only needs to be followed through on.

Feeling wronged in the past and providing solutions to move forward can be seen as a common formula for those involved in the public sector in the Philippines. This formula allows for drastically different groups to have an easily comparable platform.

Conclusion

The SONA in the Philippines is an occasion of expression, an occasion where hopes, perceptions, ideas, problems and solutions are expressed. The commonality between all groups and people is utilizing this time as an occasion of expression. While the voices and focus vary the rhetoric across sectors is one of improvement for the Philippines. What can be learned from all of these summaries is that the Philippines is comprised of Filipinos’ and while the focuses vary they all utilize the same formats and have the same underlying hope. These similarities provide the opportunity to discussion and collaboration.

The Philippines is country with a deep and strong history and tradition of expression. Ledivina Carino has research and written extensively on this allowing a greater examination and understanding of the events surrounding the SONA.

The challenges that the Philippines faces are large. The call for the attention of President Aquino is loud and while the first three weeks of presidency have been sprinkled with gains and losses only time will show if the hopes and goals of the Philippines are met.

Works Referenced

Agham Youth. Enviromental Problems Need to be Addressed. Philippine Collegian. Opisyal na lingguhang pahayagan ng mga mag-aaral sa unibersidad ng pilipinas diliman. 26 Hulyo 2010 Lunes. Ika – 88 Taon Blg. 07

Anakbayan UP Diliman. A New Breed of Impunity. Philippine Collegian. Opisyal na lingguhang pahayagan ng mga mag-aaral sa unibersidad ng pilipinas diliman. 26 Hulyo 2010 Lunes. Ika – 88 Taon Blg. 07

Benigno S. Aquino III, State of the Nation Address July 26, 2010 (English) Retrieved from http://www.gov.ph/2010/07/26/state-of-the-nation-address-2010-en/ Retrieved on Aug 2 2010

Briones, Liling Magtolis. The State of Fashion as the State of the Nation. Business Mirror, Opinion. Pg. A 10. Monday July 26 2010.

Carino, Ledivina. “The Social Origins of Civil Society and the Non Profit Sector” June 18 2002

Tungkol sa Pabalat. Address or Digress. Philippine Collegian. Opisyal na lingguhang pahayagan ng mga mag-aaral sa unibersidad ng pilipinas diliman. 26 Hulyo 2010 Lunes. Ika – 88 Taon Blg. 07

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[1] Benigno S. Aquino III

[2] http://ronaldredito.org/blog/1601/president-noynoy-aquino-sona-2010-reaction-paper/

[3] World Bank, East Asia Decntralization

[4] Agham Youth

[5] Agham Youth

[6] Anakbayan

[7] Tingkol sa Pabalat

Ethics in Public Administration PA 209

Critique: Chapter 16. The relationship Between Ethics and Public Administration: The Concept of Competing Ethical Obligations. By Richard Stillman. Public Administration: Concepts and Causes

The essay Public Administration and Ethics: a Prologue to a Preface by Dwight Waldo is introduced in a daunting manner. The chapter in the text has 3pages informing the reader that Mr. Waldo is one of the most highly regarded individuals in the field, posing an intimidating task for a critique, a task that I am willing to take on.

The design of the chapter starts off heavily with references to Chester Barnard, presented in such a a manner that the reader is initially lead to believe that the subsequent essay is directly related to Barnads, which it is not. As the introduction continues gaps and problems in the field of ethics are mentioned, however with little to no solution present during the chapter and could have been excluded. Nearing the end of the introduction the author leads the reader into an overview of whats to come, ultimately providing a very positive review

“When you read his essay, you will no doubt gain an appreciation of why Waldo's contributions are regarded so highly by administrative scholars. Few other write with such stylistic grace, raise such profound questions, and provide the historical context to present-day issues in public administration.”

Dwight Waldo indeed writes with style in this essay strong and descriptive language is put to use. Analogies are used in an engaging manor, from his argument for a map and navigational equipment to the analogy that if you dig too far at structures they will fall down, but our super structure is already down. Waldo starts his essay describing moral and ethical behavior in public administration as chaotic. In the second section he writes of the necessity for governments to engage in lying, stealing, cheating and killing. Than raising the question of when sins and crimes are committed in the name of public are do they hold the same value? Ultimately transitioning to his focus with the thought of “the end justifying the means” when public and private morality conflict.

This essay is written in a humble manner, Mr. Waldo claiming the his reach is incomplete however it reflects his life career working in public administration and therefore can be seen as creditable and well thought out. Waldos style while creative is logical and easy to follow giving him a strong argument for the complexity of ethics in public administration as well as the need for more understanding.

Using the messiness of the ethical universe, that Waldo started the essay with he puts forth a solution. in order for a complex dilemma to be resolved a map or framework would be most effective if it provided weight to the components. Waldo is clear that the need for more and better maps is considerable. Waldo states what most would find accurate that if we are going to talk about ethics in public life it would be useful to know what we are talking about. From this he proposes twelves types of “maps” or guidelines for research that impact ethics.

• Obligation to the constitution
• obligation to the law
• obligation to nation or country
• obligation to democracy
• obligation to organizational – bureaucratic norms
• obligation to profession and professionalism
• obligation to family and friends
• obligation to self
• obligation to middle range collectives
• obligation to the public interest or general welfare
• obligation to humanity or the world
• obligation to religion or to God.

As a novice in ethical study these twelve areas of focus in my view are well thought out and encompassing. A big factor that I believe runs thought all of these areas in the impact that money has on ethics and perhaps it warrants its own sector.

I found Waldos proposal for navigation instruments inspiring. The need for research on history, social science, self awareness and religion, and their relationship to public administration makes the field seems filled with opportunity. As a 209 student Waldo use of the values of democracy as effectiveness, efficient and economy, I could easily relate to Pugh.

Waldo ends with the idea that our ethical problems are compounded in this growing gray world, leasing me to wonder what ultimately was the purpose of this article? Many articles have highlighted numerous issues and gaps in ethics, so while waldo gives us a different format of inquiry, I think more informative information would have be possible, even who has started to work in the different arenas and what they have found so far would have been useful. Overall due to the complexity of the topic and the purpose of the essay as an overview Waldo fashioned a very sensible essay.

Local Government PA 251

PA 251

Youth government

an analysis of its relationship with local governmental units

NCPAG Laura Hann

youth government

An analysis of its relationship with local governmental units

Preface

Youth government was built into the Philippine local government code of 1991. Almost 20 years later the dissolution of the youth involvement is being seriously considered. In most of the world, children and youth are viewed as groups to provided services to, opposed to groups to be included in service development. This article aims to discuss youth involved in local government in the Philippines, UK, South Australia and the United States.  The discussion will be based on the established charters and codes of each country as well as those put forth by the United Nations.

The original concept for this report was to engage in a comparative study of the youth in youth government. The format was to be derived from interviews with an array of individuals who were or are actively participating in youth government. Due to time constraints as well as difficulty accessing the desired population the framework had to transform. The transformation did not occur until after several interviews had been completed. The information gathered from these interviews has been incorporated into this paper.

I would like to thank Professor Ilago for his guidance in my comprehension of the role and design of the local governments in the Philippines. The United Nations deserves unending gratitude for their continuing role of leading the world in formatting peace and corporation, as well as their open and accessible document library. I would also like to thank those who gave some of their time to answer my survey questions. I hope someday to have the opportunity to continue the original project, using this report as a foundation for greater understanding.

Main research topic

This paper will discuss youth involvement in local government in the Philippines, UK, South Australia and the United States, based on the established charters and codes of each country as well as those put forth by the United Nations.

                                                      Literatire review                      

There is an emerging movement worldwide to incorporate youth into the shaping of policies and programs. As part of this movement there is a growing amount of academic working being conducted on the topic. Within this emerging movement and growing amount of research relatively small amounts have been published, causing wide gaps in the field of youth government.  In formatting my discussion I have used two main documents.

The Impact of Youth Participation in the Local Government Process; The Sangguniang Kabataan Expereice

In 2007 this focused research report was published. The objective was to examine the Filipino Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) in light of the discussion of abolition. The basis of this examination was interview style with numerous local government units as well as outside actors who have a history interacting with the SK. The SK operates at the local government level, but the report lacks substantive insight into the ‘impact’ of the SK on the local government. They study results highlight examples of best practices as well as data reflecting the controversial side of the SK, including corruption and low performance.

“the first country in the modern world to have a grassroots-based, government-funded political structure for young people that is recognized nationwide”

Much of the report focused on, a problem solution model, arguing for the continued existence of the SK within a revised framework. This report begins the examination of the SK as the first country in the modern world to have a grassroots-based, government-funded political structure for young people that is recognized nationwide. The report provides the first stage in understating

The united Nations COnvention on the Rights of a Child

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of a Child (UNCRC) was signed in 1989. The nations in comparison here with the exception of the United States are all ratified signatories of it, with the United States signed but not ratified.  The UNCRC outlines the governments’ obligation to serving and protecting children. This includes ensuring that the voices of the children are heard. The widespread acceptance of the UNCRC provides a basis and framework for discussions of youth rights and participation. It is well known that in practice it lacks real strength, due to the absence of enforcement mechanisms. In this comparison it has great utility in regards to application.

methodology

In researching this paper I engaged in three main dada collection activities.

1.       I began with an examination of Philippine newspaper articles, specifically those on the discussion of the SK. The newspapers that I utilized included the Manila Bulletin, The Manila Times, The Enquirer and the Philippine Star. These newspapers established the basis for my understanding of the debate on the SK

2.       I than sought out interviewees. For youth governments in the United States I contacted the Tampa Youth Corps and the Ann Arbor youth senate. For South Australia I contacted the Local Government of South Australia office of the youth as well as the Adelaide City Council. In the Philippines I contacted various persons who were former youth council members, including current senators, students and professors. In the Philippines I also approached a Quezon City barangay to set up an interview with their SK. The majority of these contacts did not result in interviews. Those that did, the interviews were conducted in two ways. First was through e-mailing the questionnaire and second was an in person interview when possible. Complete anonymousness was guaranteed for all those who participated in the interviews

3.       Finally I examined and reviewed existing frameworks for each country as well as those put forth by the United Nations. These frameworks became the ultimate focus of my research.

Limitations

The greatest limitation in this paper was no response due to time constraints, resulting in a different aspect of investigation. Within the framework of this revised investigation it must be seen as an overview. Evaluation of more local government frameworks as well as collection of empirical evidence would create a stronger analysis.

Main Discussion

Introduction

In this discussion I will cover 4 main areas. First is to profile each of the youth governments I have selected, second will be to introduce the framework behind the youth in local government. Third I will introduce the concepts pertaining to youth in local government as presented by the United Nations and finally I will draw observation based on my research.

Profile

Tampa Youth Corps: Tampa is the fourth largest city in the US state of Florida. The city is a mid level government in the United States, comprised of a population ranging from 9,000,000 to 6, clearly varying how representative the government can be. 

Sangguniang Kabataan (SK): An SK should be found in every Filipino barangay. The barangay is the lowest level of government in the Philippines, representing a population often under 1,000 families

British Youth Council: England is without a government initiated developed framework for youth involvement in local government. On the national level a youth council is operated by a nongovernmental organization exists. Through this national youth council networking is done on the local level. These local youth organizations serve around 620 communities.

Youth Advisory Committee (YAC): YAC serves in an ‘as desired’ capacity in the Australian state of South Australia at the local government level. Local governments in South Australia can have jurisdiction over populations upward of 1,000,000 people.

Framwork Behind youth in local government

In each of these case studies there are unique frameworks in the creating and funding of youth involvement at the local level.  Their existence varies as much in scope as a single person innovation to a complex legal existence.

Tampa’s Youth Corps was created through individual actions of Tampa Mayor Iorio in 2003. Mayor Ilrio thought up and designed the current youth corps, technically known as the Mayors Youth Corps. Initially the Corps received its funding through JP. Morgan Chase, a corporate funder. Since its inception Tampa City council, an elected board of 7 members has allocated funding to the youth corps on an annual basis. Today the Tampa Mayors Youth Corps receives $10,000 annually from the city. In addition corporate sponsor JP Morgan Chase provides $5,000 to $10,000 annually. The Corps takes advantage of grant opportunities to provide additional resources.

The Philippines SK is a legally mandated council. The SK came into existence under the Marcos dictatorship in from 1965- 1986, and has continued to exist till today. The current legislation on the local level in the Philippines is known as the Local Government Code of 1991. The code provides an extensive explanation and inclusion of the SK, with an entire chapter dedicated to the SK as well as inclusion of the SK in several other established bodies. Below are excerpts of the framework pertaining to the SK from the Local Government Code of 1991, it reads;

SANGGUNIANG KABATAAN

SEC. 423. Creation and Election. - (a) There shall be in every barangay a sangguniang kabataan to be composed of a chairman, seven (7) members, a secretary, and a treasurer.

SEC. 425. Meetings of the Katipunan ng Kabataan. - The katipunan ng kabataan shall meet … to decide on important issues affecting the youth of the barangay .

SEC. 426. Powers and Functions of the Sangguniang Kabataan. - The sangguniang kabataan shall:

 (a) Promulgate resolutions necessary to carry out the objectives of the youth in the barangay in accordance with the applicable provisions of this Code;

 (b) Initiate programs designed to enhance the social, political, economic, cultural, intellectual, moral, spiritual, and physical development of the members;

(c) Hold fund-raising activities, the proceeds of which shall be tax-exempt and shall accrue to the general fund of the sangguniang kabataan: Provided, however, That in the appropriation thereof, the specific purpose for which such activity has been held shall be first satisfied;

 (d) Create such bodies or committees as it may deem necessary to effectively carry out its programs and activities;

(e) Submit annual and end-of-term reports to the sangguniang barangay on their projects and activities for the survival and development of the youth in the barangay;

 (f) Consult and coordinate with all youth organizations in the barangay for policy formulation and program implementation;

 (g) Coordinate with the appropriate national agency for the implementation of youth development projects and programs at the national level;

 (h) Exercise such other powers and perform such other duties and functions as the sangguniang barangay may determine or delegate; and

 (i) Exercise such other powers and perform such other duties and functions as may be prescribed by law or ordinance.

SEC. 427. Meetings of the Sangguniang kabataan. - The sangguniang kabataan shall meet regularly once a month .

SEC. 437. Constitution and By-Laws. - The term of office, manner of election, removal and suspension of the officers of the pederasyon ng mga sangguniang kabataan at all levels shall be governed by the constitution and by-laws of the pederasyon in conformity with the provisions of this Code and national policies on youth.

Section 1. Sec. 43 of Republic Act No. 7160, otherwise known as the Local Government Code of 1991, is hereby amended to read as follows:

"Sec. 43. Term of office. "(b) No local elective official shall serve for more than three (3) consecutive terms in the same position. Voluntary renunciation of the office for any length of time shall not be considered as an interruption in the continuity of service for the full term for which the elective official concerned was elected.

In addition to clear legal backing of the SK, they receive 10% of annual barangay funding as well as any amount that they are able to raise from various fundraising activities they engage in. This 10% varies greatly in real terms due to the wide discrepancy of income from one area to the next.

In England the prominent form of youth participation in local government is through the organization of the British Youth Council (BYC). The BYC began in the 1940’s as an effort to unite young people against communism. Over the years it has developed forming local youth councils. The mandate of these local youth councils is to;

“exist(s) to represent the views of young people at a local level giving young people the opportunity to have a voice, to discuss relevant issues, engage with decision-makers and contribute to improving the lives of young people within their community”

                Funding for the BYC is mixed source, coming from, private donors, grants, fees, sponsors, grants and fundraising. Government agencies have provided project based funding to the BYC.  BYC, local youth councils in many cities have merged with other youth empowerment organizations, each local youth council taking on its own sources of funding.

            South Australia’s Youth Advisory Committee (YAC) is given framework in the local government youth policy. It describes the YAC as

a group of young people (12-25 years of age) who consult with other local young people, discuss local youth issues, and provide information and advice to their local Council, service delivery agencies and youth networks. Through this engagement, their views can be taken into account in decision-making processes.

Within this framework each local government unit creates their own framework and guidelines of youth participation. Adelaide City Council (whom was contacted for interviews) has a policy designed to support the large youth population in their jurisdiction. There policy states that the Adelaide City Council will;

·   develop innovative approaches which will encourage and support young people to live in the City;

·   facilitate the development of work and career opportunities for young people;

·   work to provide learning opportunities for young people to develop skills, knowledge and work experience; and

·   continue to improve access for all young people including visitors by providing support services, recreation, cultural and entertainment options.

The YAC is primarily funded through each local government it works within. The government of South Australia operates an office for the youth who provides grant funding to support local government councils in creation and strengthening of YAC’s.

UNited Nations framework

The United Nations (UN) as the leading global body has issued substantial information in regards to youth participation in local government. The principles proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations, recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world. These principals are reflected in the most well known documents. These are the UN Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. These documents form an international framework government responsibility.

Universal declaration of human rights was adopted in 1948. It addresses participation in government in article 21. Article 21 states:

·    (1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.

·   (2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.

·   (3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.

The UN convention on the rights of the child has been ratified by every UN nation with the exception of the United States and Somalia.  The convention sets the framework for youth involvement in local government by stating:

Article 12

1.        States Parties shall assure to the child who is capable of forming his or her own views the right to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child, the views of the child being given due weight in accordance with the age and maturity of the child.

2.        For this purpose, the child shall in particular be provided the opportunity to be heard in any judicial and administrative proceedings affecting the child, either directly, or through a representative or an appropriate body, in a manner consistent with the procedural rules of national law.

Article 13

1.        The child shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of the child's choice.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights was entered into force in 1976. It provides for individuals rights in regards to thoughts and information. To quote:

Article 19

1.        Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.

2.        Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.

United Nations funding is not all that different from youth government funding. They receive annual membership donations from participating nations. In order to prevent overdependence no member nation is allowed to donate more than 22% of the UN budget.

Observations & Interview intergration

During the month of September 2010, I conducted 5 interviews with people connected to youth government either in the Philippines or the United States.  The full responses of the interviews are in appendix A.

Within in the five frameworks presented there are several things to take note of. These are the range in scale, the funding, time in operation and opportunity for shared learning. These areas have been enhanced by interview responses that I collected.

 First is the range in scale of these frameworks. On the one end there are the established and mandated frameworks of the UN and the Philippine SK, in the middle are those of England and South Australia, and on the other end that of Tampa USA. Both the UN and the SK have extensive documentation outlining their roles, rights and responsibilities.  England and South Australia have frameworks creating the possibility for greater detail and development as desired by each local government. Tampa USA was created without such frameworks, however has developed policies and guidelines for the youth corps on an as needed basis. These differences in scale reflect the diversity, power, freedom, and potential impact of youth governments.

The second observation that I would like to make is in regards to funding. Tampa Youth Corps and the Philippine SK both have annual pre determined budgets that they supplement through outside sources. I was able to conduct interviews with a total of 5 people between these two groups. I asked them five budget related questions. 1. Did your council have any type of budget? This was to reveal their awareness of a budgets existence. 2. What type? This was to discover how much they knew. 3. How much was your annual budget? This revealed the level of transparency in youth budgets. 4. How did you spend it? This was asked to assertion the level of youth control over the budget. 5. How were those spending choices made? This question was asked to reveal any trends or abnormalities in budget use.

Among all 5 respondents limited knowledge of the budget existed. All had awareness that there youth government had a budget; however they could not say how much. For the SK and the Tampa Youth Corps the government allocated budgets are public knowledge, finable with an internet search, however the youth who these budgets are allocated for lack information about them. In Tampa the youth I interviewed could not identify what type of budget their corps had. All interviewed mentioned financial control being exercised by an adult whom was connected with the youth government. This adult made the choice of how the spending was done. One former SK member stated that his SK budget was taken by a senior barangay official. One Tampa corps member said that they believed they money was used for trainings and transportation for the youth corps.

The Philippines is way ahead of this movement

Third is the length of time the frameworks have been in existence. The Philippine SK, the British Youth Council and the UN frameworks have all been in existence for over 20 years. The South Australia youth council and the Tampa Youth Corps are both newer in existence.  UNICEF did a study in 2007 and found that youth in government is globally on the rise. This can be reflected by the comparatively recent development of the Australia and Tampa groups. The UNICEF researches believe that “The Philippines is way ahead of this movement”. The British Youth Council is significantly different from the other three councils since its framework originated and remains separate from that of the government.

Finally, the frameworks support the UNICEF findings of the newness of the youth government movement. The Australian and American councils are part of the global movement to treat youth as people, people who have the human right to access and influence their government. For most of the world that is endeavoring into the concept and implementation of youth involvement in local government they are making the most educated choices possible in policy development and implementation. Considering the newness of this movement it is rare to find a system that is developed flawlessly upon the first try. It is common practice to revise and modify systems as they develop. The Philippines SK is the oldest and most comprehensive youth involvement in local government system in the world. Revisions, pertaining to the SK, have been made on the 1991 Local Government code. The Philippines is in the position to provide guidance and leadership to the local governments of the world in regards to developing best practice systems. The abolition of the SK would deprive the Philippines as well as the world of this learning opportunity. The framework for the SK is detailed and comprehensive, it is in need of revision, in practice the framework has encountered several difficulties that can be used as learning opportunities. One interviewee expressed support for limitations on the number of SK members. Several respondents expressed their view that youth government as part of local governments are more effective if the goal is to impact the policies and actions of elected officials. One respondent felt that it was better to have youth government separate from local government to limit the opportunity for adult officials to corrupt the youth.

These observations highlight the diversity among youth involvement in local government. As youth participation in local government continues to rise these early frameworks can provided a basis for new forms to emerge.

Summeay

The United Nations declaration of human rights establishes a standard of involvement in government. Local government is the most effective mechanism for meeting that participation standard. The Philippines, Tampa USA and South Australia have all created internal government frameworks that allow youth to exercise their human right of the freedom to be involved in government. The British government continues to be without a governmental framework; civil society identified this gap and has been working with British youth to give them a political voice while separate from the government.

UNICEF has found that youth government is a growing movement; these four examples presented here represent the established and the newly developed. Budgetary complexities exist in all four cases examined here. Each youth group had some format of funding. The Philippine and Tampa youth groups had government allocated budgets. In these two places the youth interviewed expressed no control of involvement in their budget use. The frameworks differ from one to another in content and scale, highlighting the diversity and impact of youth government.

The interviews conducted suggest similar views and experiences between youth government bodies in the US and the Philippines. These similarities support the concept that guidance as well as program improvement can be universal.

Questions Raised

As mentioned in the introduction a comparison of youth in local government is needed in the discourse of the global rise of youth governmental bodies. Looking at the questions, in what ways are the youth the same and in what ways are they different, and do these similarities and differences translate into the results being seen among the performance and acceptance of youth involvement in local government? Gaining comprehensive understanding of these two questions will allow greater incidences of best practice youth government integration into local government.

This paper was prompted by the debate around the potential abolishment of the SK. During my research I was surprised to discover how little academic work has been conducted about the SK’s role in local government. There appears to be a huge gap in research on this level, raising the question of how can an effective conversation surrounding the future of the SK occur when comprehensive information and analysis is absent? The reoccurring arguments for the dissolution include: The youth are being exposed to the bad side of politics too early. It is difficult for young people to balance their many obligations. The SK members are usually from a political family.  The SK budget is used corruptly.  I would like to suggest that these arguments are relatively weak given the current lack of data. I would also suggest that as seen in this analysis the SK model is not the only youth government model and revision over dissolution would allow the Philippines to stay “ahead of the trend”.